On November 8th, the president of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen presented the 2023 enlargement package. This reported on the advancement made by states at different stages of the EU accession process. For the first time, the yearly package included Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. It was a historical occasion for all 3 countries, as the Commission recommended that the Council formally advance them to the next steps of EU integration. For Ukraine and Moldova, this will consequence in the beginning of accession negotiations, with the further possible of adopting fresh negotiating frameworks after key reforms are undertaken. For its December meeting, the Council was besides recommended to grant Georgia candidate status. This should be done on the knowing that advancement will be achieved in 9 precedence areas. Unlike Kyiv and Chisinau, Tbilisi did not receive this position last year. Instead, it ended up with a “European Perspective” and 12 priorities to fulfil before acquiring candidacy.
Last year’s decision can be understood as the EU expressing concern about key issues of democracy in Georgia. Among others, the 12 priorities active reducing political polarisation, securing the freedom of the judiciary strategy and removing the behind-the-scenes influence of oligarchs in politics. Even more than the current state of democracy in the country, Brussels was afraid with the dynamics of Georgia’s improvement and the government’s commitment to pro-Europeanism. Previously, Georgia was widely regarded as a frontrunner in the EU’s east Partnership initiative, which besides active Ukraine and Moldova alongside Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus. However, since the last parliamentary elections of 2020, and especially Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Tbilisi’s commitment to pro-western reforms and abroad policy has been questioned multiple times. This democratic decline was the main reason that the Georgian Dream government did not receive candidate position in the first place.
Last year the government was given a chance. If it truly had European commitments, it could at least accomplish crucial advancement in the most politically delicate areas of reform. Meanwhile, the Commission’s study is dominated by phrases specified as “some level of preparation” and “limited progress”. Most of the affirmative descriptions concern little politically crucial legislative changes and another forms of alternatively abstract improvement. The government promised to complete all the reforms by the first deadline at the end of 2022. This would be done before the EU postponed the assessment to 2023. Nevertheless, a week before von der Leyen’s report, the country’s prime minister claimed in his gathering with the Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Olivér Várhelyi that the reforms were at the “final stages of completion”. However, he besides noted that they were inactive not full implemented. The parliament’s chair went even further by saying that Tbilisi hoped that simply 3 out of the 12 reforms would be deemed full implemented by the Commission.
While the EU’s priorities were inactive far from fulfilled, the parliament occupied itself with discussing a Russian-style law on “agents of abroad influence”. Although unsuccessfully, the body even attempted to impeach the president for her visits to EU heads of state. In parallel, the executive branch allowed for the restoration of direct flights with Russia. By now, there are more than 50 weekly direct flights from the country which inactive occupies 20 per cent of Georgia. Apart from this, Georgian Dream targeted the EU respective times, accusing the organisation of wanting to open a second front of the war in Ukraine in the country. any in the organization besides described European Parliament members as insignificant pro-opposition politicians. All this served as clear proof for the EU that its doubts about Georgian Dream’s commitments were true. Most importantly, it besides made a large part of the Georgian population question the aspirations of the ruling party.
Last year’s sticks for the government were replaced by carrots for the people this year. Accordingly, the candidacy expression has been flipped to a fresh framework of position first and reforms second. Nonetheless, this does not change the substance of the process, as advancement will should be achieved if Georgia does not want to get stuck at candidacy while others advance. Most of the 9 priorities are made up of last year’s inactive incomplete requirements. What has changed however, is who the Commission envisions as the agents of change in the country. Evidence for a fresh focus on the Georgian population has been ever-present. Popular support for the EU goes beyond more than 80 per cent in the polls. A massive pro-Ukraine and pro-EU rally was the reason why the government decided to alter its plans and apply for Union membership in 2022 in the first place. Another immense protest held between March 7th and 9th this year forced Georgian Dream to quit on its abroad agents law, which was widely criticised by EU bodies. civilian society organisations have besides held many pro-EU campaigns over the course of the year.
The EU’s communicative in the enlargement report, as well as before and after it, showed clear indications that Brussels sees the Georgian people as those who deserve the candidacy. Ursula von der Leyen opened the part of her speech about Georgia by saying that “the College full supports the genuine aspiration of the overwhelming majority of its [Georgian] citizens.” The full study besides talks highly of the Georgian people and civilian society. Josep Borrell, the advanced Commissioner for abroad Policy and safety Affairs, started his post-report video address by saying that the “Georgian people have shown their unshaken commitment to European values. And they have done it many times.”. The EU’s ambassador to Georgia besides congratulated all the country’s political actors on achieving candidate status, but “above all to the Georgian people”. A group of MEPs explicitly called the government’s efforts reluctant and claimed that only the Georgian people, any political leaders and civilian servants deserve the credit for the achievement.
Although naturally the authoritative EU communicative is not as direct as that of the MEPs, a change could inactive be observed in formal communications from Brussels. A good example of this is Josep Borrell’s visit to Georgia in September, erstwhile he straight said at a press conference with the prime minister that the government’s communicative that the EU wants to open a “second front” in Georgia is simply a lie. He besides criticised the government’s decision to reconstruct direct flights with Russia. Borrell highlighted that Tbilisi should not miss the historical chance to advance on the EU way and more reforms are needed. The EU ambassador besides commented that importantly more could have been done by the politicians in order to fulfil the 12 priorities.
The changing communicative is strong proof that the EU has granted the candidacy to the Georgian people and not the ruling party. On the another hand, this fresh position would let Brussels to be even more open and demanding towards Tbilisi, as the stakes rise. This has been expressed in the 9 priorities as well. They include ensuring a free and fair electoral process for the 2024 parliamentary elections, as well as a request to fight against anti-EU disinformation and abroad influence. Most notably, higher abroad policy compliance (which has fallen from over 60 per cent to 43 per cent in the last 2 years) has become a formal request for Georgia’s future advancement towards membership. Brussels can number on the approval of wider Georgian society regarding these demands and knows that it will not be perceived as intervening in the interior affairs of the country.
The EU thus bet on the Georgian people to stay the only clear force that would unwaveringly support the European integration of the country. Brussels hopes that the overwhelming popular request for integration will leave politicians with no choice but to obey the people’s will, just as this has happened during respective crucial moments before. Most importantly, the EU trusted the Georgian people to realize that this year’s decision does not praise the government’s actions. As expected, Georgian Dream is trying everything to claim the credit for the achievement. With elections in a year, the incorrect allocation of merit by the population could end up being a costly mistake for the country. Brussels knows this and has so made efforts to clarify who are the primary recipients of the candidacy. As it has been said repeatedly, the door is open for Georgia in the EU. Now it is up to Georgians to read the messages correctly and keep demanding advancement and a better future.
Soso Chachanidze is simply a second year student of Erasmus Mundus Joint Master Programme in Central and East European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, presently undertaking his studies at Jagiellonian University in Krakow. He is curious in safety issues, the post-Soviet area, Central and east European states, the EU and its neighbourhood policies, European defence and safety architecture.
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